Showing posts with label science. Show all posts
Showing posts with label science. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 19, 2014

Computerized Vs In-Person Brief Intervention for Drug Misuse: RCT

We have written much about the challenges of widespread implementation of SBIRT in the US. Well, authors of a new study, published online this month in the journal, Addiction, have suggested a novel tool which they believe could help ensure that scores of additional patients are being screened: computerized brief intervention. And according to their study, it works as well and the in-person version:

Abstract

Background and aims

Several studies have found that brief interventions (BIs) for drug misuse have superior effectiveness to no-treatment controls. However, many health centers do not provide BIs for drug use consistently due to insufficient behavioral health staff capacity. Computerized BIs for drug use are a promising approach, but their effectiveness compared with in-person BIs has not been established. This study compared the effectiveness of a computerized brief intervention (CBI) to an in-person brief intervention (IBI) delivered by a behavioral health counselor.

Methods

Two-arm randomized clinical trial, conducted in two health centers in New Mexico, USA. Participants were 360 adult primary care patients with moderate-risk drug scores on the Alcohol, Smoking, and Substance Involvement Screening Test (ASSIST) who were randomly assigned on a 1:1 basis to a computerized brief intervention (CBI) or to an in-person brief intervention (IBI) delivered by a behavioral health counselor. Assessments were conducted at baseline and 3-month follow-up, and included the ASSIST and drug testing on hair samples.

Results

The IBI and CBI conditions did not differ at 3 months on global ASSIST drug scores (b=-1.79; 95% CI=-4.37,-0.80) or drug-positive hair tests (OR=.97; 95% CI= 0.47,1.94). There was a statistically significant advantage of CBI over IBI in substance-specific ASSIST scores for marijuana (b=-1.73; 95% CI= -2.91,-0.55; Cohen's d=.26; p=.004) and cocaine (b= -4.48; 95% CI= -8.26,-0.71; Cohen's d=.50; p=.037) at 3 months.

Conclusions

Computerized brief intervention can be an effective alternative to in-person brief intervention for addressing moderate drug use in primary care.

What do you think - could computerized brief interventions be the key to widespread SBIRT implementation?

Source: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/add.12502/abstract 

Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Study: Looking for the uninsured in Massachusetts? Check opioid dependent persons seeking detoxification

An interesting study from Drug and Alcohol Dependence cites the rate of uninsurance at a large Massachusetts detox program as 23% in the 2013 sample they observed (five years after the insurance mandate). That's nearly five times higher than the state average of 4.8%. The authors highlight correlates of being uninsured (table below), which include being young and being male (expected), but also having a higher level of education (unexpected). Finally, more than half of the uninsured participants in the study had been so for more than one year, highlighting the ongoing need for outreach and education about public programs.

Here is the abstract via ScienceDirect:

Abstract

Background

We examined the rate of uninsurance among persons seeking detoxification at a large drug treatment program in Massachusetts in 2013, five years after insurance mandates.

Methods

We interviewed three hundred and forty opioid dependent persons admitted for inpatient detoxification in Fall River, Massachusetts. Potential predictors of self-reported insurance status included age, gender, ethnicity, employment, homelessness, years of education, current legal status, and self-perceived health status.

Results

Participants mean age was 32 years, 71% were male, and 87% were non-Hispanic Caucasian. Twenty-three percent were uninsured. In the multivariate model, the odds of being uninsured was positively associated with years of education (OR = 1.22, 95%CI 1.03; 1.46, p < .05), higher among males than females (OR = 2.63, 95%CI 1.33; 5.20, p < .01), and inversely associated with age (OR = 0.94, 95%CI 0.90; 0.98, p < .01).

Conclusion

Opioid dependent persons recruited from a detoxification program in Massachusetts are uninsured at rates far above the state average. With the arrival of the Affordable Care Act, drug treatment programs in Massachusetts and nationally will be important sites to target to expand health coverage.
And here's a table from the report:


Correlates of Being Uninsured (n = 340).
CorrelateUnadjusted OR (95%CI)Adjusted OR (95%CI)
Age0.95** (0.91; 0.98)0.94** (0.90; 0.98)
Gender (Male)1.98* (1.07; 3.69)2.63** (1.33; 5.20)
Non-Hispanic Caucasian (Yes)2.48 (0.94; 6.54)2.30 (0.83; 6.41)
Homeless (Yes)0.38 (0.11; 1.29)0.33 (0.09; 1.21)
Employed Part- or Full-Time (Yes)1.09 (0.49; 2.42)0.77 (0.32; 1.89)
Education (Years)1.16* (1.01; 1.33)1.22* (1.03; 1.46)
Pending criminal charges (Yes)1.03 (0.58; 1.82)0.92 (0.51; 1.65)
Perceived Health0.71* (0.54; 0.93)0.78 (0.58; 1.05)
* p < .05, **p < .01
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0376871613005322



Friday, January 3, 2014

Are Financial Incentives the Answer to SBIRT Implementation?

Researchers from Imperial College London may have found a way to increase alcohol screening and brief intervention in a primary care setting: financial incentives. The results, published online Dec. 26 in the Journal of Public Health, show that offering a points-based incentive for successful screening, brief intervention and referral to specialists significantly increased the number of patients who were screened. As a result, the authors say, more patients with risky alcohol intake were identified and offered care, reducing hazardous and harmful drinking in some.

While the evidence for SBIRT is abundant and well-known, there have been considerable problems in promoting widespread implementation - especially in primary care. Financial incentives could be one effective means of changing this. (Granted, a large-scale effort by the federal government or the insurance companies would likely be required to provide funding. In this study, data was collected from 2008-2011, until the UK's Quality and Outcomes Framework funding was withdrawn.)

Abstract

Introduction Alcohol screening and brief intervention (ASBI) is effective but underprovided in primary care. Financial incentives may help address this. This study assesses the impact of a local pay-for-performance programme on delivery of ASBI in UK primary care.
Methods Longitudinal study using data from 30 general practices in north-west London from 2008 to 2011 with logistic regression to examine disparities in ASBI delivery.
Results Of 211 834 registered patients, 45 040 were targeted by the incentive (cardiovascular conditions or high risk; mental health conditions), of whom 65.7% were screened (up from a baseline of 4.8%, P< 0.001), compared with 14.7% of non-targeted patients (P < 0.001). Screening rates were lower after adjustment in younger patients, White patients, less deprived areas and in patients with mental health conditions (P < 0.05). Of those screened, 11.5% were positive and 88.6% received BI. Men and White patients were significantly more likely to screen positive. Women and younger patients were less likely to receive BI. 30.1% of patients re-screened were now negative. However, patients with mental health conditions were less likely to re-screen negative than those with cardiovascular conditions.
Conclusion Financial incentives appear to be effective in increasing delivery of ASBI in primary care and may reduce hazardous and harmful drinking in some patients. The findings support universal rather than targeted screening.

Saturday, July 27, 2013

Buprenorphine: 4 Counseling: 0

It hasn’t been a good couple years for counseling in the buprenorphine treatment literature. Yet another study, authored by a team led by the venerable Walter Ling, and currently available in Addiction Journal’s “early view” section online, has shown that counseling adds nothing to buprenorphine maintenance, in terms of measured outcomes. By our count, this makes four consecutive studies to show basically the same thing: counseling, while by no means harmful, has not been shown to add anything to buprenorphine maintenance in opioid-dependent patients without significant co-occurring psychiatric disorders.

Ling, et al.’s study is arguably the most convincing study yet. The team performed a randomized control trial in which patients were randomized to one of four behavioral treatment conditions, as adjuncts to buprenorphine maintenance: cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), contingency management (CM), both CBT and CM, and no behavioral treatment. Counselors were master’s-level trained counselors who met with patients weekly for the initial phase of the study.

The results showed no differences in opioid use after the behavioral treatment phase, during the second (medication-only) phase, or at follow-ups at weeks 40 or 52. In addition, there were no statistically-significant differences in any of the secondary measures (retention, other drug use, withdrawal and craving, addiction severity index ratings, and adverse events).


Interestingly, there were differences in reported treatment satisfaction ratings. While the majority of participants reported being “very satisfied” with treatment, and 85% reported Suboxone was “very effective”, just 60% reported that their behavioral treatment was “very effective”. On the other hand, 21% of the no-treatment group reported that their behavioral treatment was “not effective”, compared to 3% of the CBT group and 0% of the CBT + CM group.

As a student of behavioral health counseling, this science is particularly hard to swallow. However, it does seem to affirm the fact that, for patients with opioid-use disorders, ensuring easy and affordable access to maintenance medications is currently our best and most important tool for their treatment.

What do you think?

Thursday, May 2, 2013

Ants, Corporations, Complexity, Emergence

Heard on NPR Morning Edition:

Ants, bees, and other colonizing insects have complex organizations similar in many respects to modern corporations. Each ant has a specialized function that varies by age. The young ones tend the queen, middle-aged ants do clean up duty, and the older more experienced ants go out foraging for food. "The queen is really the only one with a dead-end job: laying eggs." Ants can jump over the clean up straight to foraging, similar to overachieving corporate managers. I don't know if the ants have to suck up to whoever is the ant CEO (this actually didn't come up) or not. Actually, it doesn't appear there is a CEO, the colonies are self-organizing. The scientist discussing this was asked about whether ants retire and her answer was that "ant retirement is not pretty." There is a specialized function for some ants, namely corpse disposal.

So in many ways, ant colonies are similar to corporations, but in addition to the presumed lack of a CEO or Board, there are other differences as well. Ant communication is much more efficient than in corporations. The ants communicate through chemical and other means than spread throughout the colony. "There is no email in an ant colony." (Lucky them, and presumably no Facebook or Twitter or texting either.) Another difference is that that there are no ants who get 400-500% more of the goodies than the median ant, while average CEO:median worker pay ratio is something like that. (According to Payscale.com, the Wal-Mart CEO is paid greater than 1000% more than the median worker there.) And presumably, ants don't get memberships in country clubs as part of their executive pay package.

The scientific principles here are complexity and emergence, an extremely important property of self-organizing systems, such as humans and the human "colony."  If you want to learn more, there is a fun site where you can set up your own ant colony. Just don't try to be the CEO.

MW

Tuesday, November 27, 2012

Change: Continuous and Discontinuous

Recently I have several patients who have made remarkable progress in a short time. I would call this discontinuous change. That is, there is a prevalent notion that change occurs gradually, step by step. And sometimes that's how it happens. But then there are times when people change in multiple ways, on multiple dimensions, all at once. Change can be continuous or discontinuous. Now, in some ways this distinction requires some kind of arbitrary decision about what those terms mean. Ultimately, it's an issue of measurement. So, "continuous change" occurs at a smaller scale than the current measurement can detect, while "discontinuous change" occurs in a way that is distinct, a detectable change. Or, one could define it quantitatively or qualitatively. For example, "discontinuous change" could be defined as a change of a certain magnitude, or changes of a certain magnitude on multiple levels or in multiple scales.

But clinically, there are times when I'm simply blown away. A patient comes in who is hardly recognizable, and not simply because of cosmetic or clothing or grooming changes, although they may be a part of it. It's more that a different person walks through the door. Someone who thinks, speaks and otherwise behaves in multiple ways they have not previously. This happens with both substance use disorders and with psychiatric disorders. All of a sudden, everything is different. And no one, least of all the person who just transformed, has any idea why this happened now, at this moment in time. These events are not predictable with current knowledge and scientific methods. They may never be. (A part of me hopes and, of course, therefore predicts, that they never will be.) Anyway, in the past several weeks I have been completely blown away by progress in some of my patients.

What causes the change? There may be environmental events that have powerful effects, such as a DUI, hospitalization, serious medical illness, interpersonal experience, and so on. But these are not very reliable predictors and are not always present. I have patients who have had a DUI and then stopped drinking, and I have others where it doesn't seem to make a difference. Most often, my changed patients report to me that they have either "gotten sick and tired of being sick and tired," or "just decided," or "I just woke up and felt different." We don't have insight into how or why we make the most important decisions in our lives. Our reasons, by and large, are constructions designed to continue a cohesive narrative of our lives. We decide and then construct the reasons. Now sometimes it is the other way around. A slow, rational deliberation (System 2 in Daniel Kahneman's scheme) often plays an important role. But more often I think it's the other way around.

Here's my working hypothesis: complex dynamical systems (including us) tend to configure into a number of discrete, finite states, rather than an infinite number of slightly different ones. We tend to flip from one state to another, much like a tornado suddenly forms out of a certain set of optimal circumstances (but not always, and not easily specifically predicted.) And for us, these states include cognitive, affective (emotional), perceptive, behavioral, genomic, metabolomic, organ, organ system, organismal and social components that may all change at once on multiple levels.

And the thing is, there is only one thing happening even though it is happening at multiple levels. This is a hard one, an idea I finally developed when I was at NIH. In complex dynamical systems, an event occurs on many levels at once. Of course, there may be an instigating event, let's say an adverse social interaction that sets off a crusade of processes ending in severe depression and extremely heavy drinking. The response of a particular person (organism) involves all different levels of analysis essentially at once, because there are millions or billions or trillions of extremely rapidly interactive events that make up the whole. Everything happens on all levels at once: from particle physics up to global and beyond. However, we cannot examine the whole, we need to examine a part of it. We may talk to the involved person, ask them about their experience, perhaps ask them to fill out some scales. We may examine their social interactions and networks, or patterns of communication. We might put them in an fMRI or PET scanner to examine brain blood flow and metabolism, we might measure the output of a stress hormone such as cortisol in the blood, and so on. But we delude ourselves if we think that by looking at one level of analysis, we can say much about the system's behavior. It's not simply linear: A causes B which causes C. It requires a different type of mathematical modeling to help predict the behavior of the system as a whole. But this science is new and will take a long time to mature.

What about therapy or treatment? Sometimes, I think that by creating a safe, therapeutic environment and providing straight, often difficult, but always compassionate feedback, I may make a change like that possible. It often feels like a lifeline - I provide a secure support and anchor for taking chances and making changes. Some patients volunteer this information - that having me in their corner allowed them to make changes they were previously afraid to make, or that I provided a direction they had not seen before. Other times, I have no idea. A patient changed suddenly to the better, and I don't feel I had much if anything to do with it. This isn't false modesty; I'm talking about people I may see every 3 months for medication checks, but who suddenly undergo a big positive change. Most of the time, it's pretty hard to tell. Maybe I made a difference, maybe not. But it's enough to keep going, doing my best, trying to help people in any way I can. And I'm grateful for that opportunity. People let me into their lives in the most intimate ways imaginable, trusting me not to betray them, not to hurt them. I feel very privileged and humbled by that trust and I do my best to be deserving of it.

MW

Thursday, October 25, 2012

Determinism, Neuroscience and Free Will: A Conversation

I've recently been having a conversation with a colleague about implications of recent neuroscience research and free will (and therefore blameworthiness, or responsibility for our actions.)  Thought you might be interested. My colleague is Steven P. Gilbert, Ph.D., ABPP, LP. He is married to Anne Fletcher, who recently published a wonderful new book (more on that in a later post) called "Inside Rehab." If you haven't read it, you'll want to. There's nothing else like it on the planet.

MW

Mark,

Anne sent me your blog below about the frustrations of appealing to reason in argumentation.  I thought you might be interested in both the column I've included below entitled "Reasons Matter (When Intutitions Don't Object)" and the attached PDF, both by psychologist Jonathan Haidt.

I think Haidt's work is brilliant.  He demonstrates how evolutionary-based instincts shape our morality and thus our politics (see also  How Evolution Has Turned Us Into Liberals and Conservatives<http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/edwest/100143941/how-evolution-turned-us-into-liberals-and-conservatives/>), and that reason is but a johnny-come-lately to the project.  He uses the analogy of an elephant and a rider -- the rider is our conscious reasoning and the elephant is our evolutionary-based emotions. Mostly, we use reason post-hoc to justify what our emotions "push" us to decide and conclude.

It all fits perfectly with Benjamin Libet's classic research in neuroscience which found that unconscious neuronal processes precede and potentially cause volitional acts which are retrospectively felt to be consciously motivated by the subject  (disturbing research because it challenges the notion of free will).

Steve

Steve, I couldn't agree more. I've always been an "intuitionist," as Haidt puts it, and I've always found much of academic psychology to be sterile and meaningless, in part because of the emphasis on rationality as the basis for decision-making. But my time at NIH is what really convinced me, as I became intimately acquainted with Kahneman's work, among many others, concerning Systems 1 and 2. Many years ago, I concluded that determinism is fundamentally correct, but irrelevant, because we still have to reason and act accordingly, it's how we're made. Also, it's irrelevant because quantum physics tells us that you can't know the precise location, mass and trajectory of every particle in the universe, because there isn't one. Therefore, you can't predict the future, although you could suggest probabilities of various outcomes (50% chance of showers today.)

Another body of work that convinced me of that, although I'm not truly familier with it, is that of social psychologists, who repeatedly find that our "freely made decisions" are strongly affected by our social, internal and external environments, although we are almost never conscious of that. 

That said, I'm concerned about the popularization of what is essentially another metaphor for the id, ego and superego, the idea that we have to tame the reptilian monster through reason and religion. Hair shirts, anyone, or flogging, perhaps?

Mark

Mark,

Your observation the indeterminism of quantum mechanics (which has outsed Newtonian determinism) opens the door to free will  –– is really interesting,  though at the outer limits of my conceptual abilities in both physics and philosophy!  Does knowing that God does in fact play dice, i.e., that there is always the possibility of Heisenbergian uncertainty (that no one can "determine" how I will act), really mean I have free will?    If our actions are caused by chance, we lack control and if we lack control, then we don't have free will, do we?

Re taming the reptilian monster, my readings in evolutionary psychology suggest that emotions are merely "evolution's executioners," to quote Robert Wright.  That is, emotions are essentially motivational dispositions which impel us to behave in adaptive ways, i.e. in ways which increase the likelihood of survival and reproduction (i.e., of having our genes replicated.)  Lust (more specifically, male desires for a partner with physical characteristics that signal health and fertility and female desires for a partner with physical and psychological characteristics which signal skill at resource acquisition and a willingness for commitment), maternal love, drives to understand the world, all  are in the service of our "selfish genes."  Admitedly reductionistic, but true nonetheless, I think!

Steve

Steve,

Re your first paragraph:

My primary point was that IMO the question of free will is moot, because we have to act as if we have it even if we don't in theory. That is, accepting determinism, how does one make a decision? "I" still have to "make a decision," and since no one can predict or understand all the pre-determinants, even if "my decision" was pre-determined, it doesn't change anything. Even trying to implement determinism doesn't work. For example, you could say, "It doesn't matter what "I" think because "my decision" is already determined. Therefore, I will flip a coin for every "choice" that "I" have to make" still doesn't help, because that is a "choice" itself, and "my mind" can (and probably will) change. I don't think there's a way out of this loop. If that's so, then we have "no choice" but to act as if we do have choice and make decisions. I think the recursive nature of consciousness and rational thought (system 2) is an evolutionary development. We don't need consciousness to have language, make calculations, or do anything else. So it could be argued (and has, by Skinner) that consciousness is simply an epiphenomenon, perhaps something that came along for the ride with some other more essential evolutionary development, and that we simply respond to reinforcement. I suspect that consciousness evolved because it does have evolutionary value, probably by monitoring System 1 and allowing non-instinctual decision-making. However, it also unleashed the uniqueness of human evils, by freeing us of the constraints of purely instinctive behavior. Wolves will typically fight fiercely for dominance, but when one of them surrenders, the dominant wolf will generally not kill the other one. Humans feel humiliation and shame, and go on killing sprees to punish those perceived as causing the humiliation. So whether consciousness will turn out to be advantageous in the long run remains to be seen.

Along those lines and pursuant to your second para, I've also come to believe that we are motivated to maintain homeostasis in our interoception, our awareness of our internal state, and that this drives all behavior. Emotions are combinations of thoughts and physical sensations, and there are other internal states This appears to be localized in the insular cortex, but it's not an area we hear much about in terms of research.

Mark

Tuesday, October 18, 2011

NIH Funding Success Rate at Historic Low

As expected, recent figures release by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) show a dismal 17.4% success rate for scientists applying for research funding. NIH is the largest funder of biomedical research in the world, and has two institutes devoted to addiction: The National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) and the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA.) It's only through NIH supported research that progress is made on understanding addiction and improving treatment outcomes. Yes, we need more access to treatment but we also need better treatments, and that can only come through scientific research. Anyone who care about addiction and its treatment needs to contact their representatives and let them know we support and need research on addiction. Advocacy matters! Why do you think research funding for breast cancer, HIV/AIDS, and autism has gone up so much! Advocacy! Please support research and urge others to as well. MW NIH Grants Funding Drops; The success rate of the government agency’s grant applications has hit an all-time low. By Jef Akst TheScientist.com Oct. 17, 2011 Grant proposals submitted to the National Institutes of Health (NIH) are less likely to be funded than ever before, according to a sneak peak at this year’s success rates obtained by ScienceInsider last week. According to the new estimate put out by the NIH’s Office of Extramural Research (OER), the fiscal year that ended on September 30 saw the funding of just 17.4 percent of research grant applications—a historic low, according to a comment from NIH Director Francis Collins. The numbers are still “preliminary,” and may rebound slightly in the final release of the data next month, OER chief Sally Rockey told ScienceInsider. Still, it’s a significant drop from the 32 percent of grants the agency was funding around the turn of the millennium, and the first time in NIH history that the success rate has dipped below 20 percent. And the drop in grant funding could get even worse: just last month, the Senate approved a 1 percent drop in the NIH budget. If finalized, it would mark only the second time since 1970 that the agency’s budget has gone down instead of up.

Friday, September 30, 2011

If you care about science funding support this!

NIH's 2012 Budget Would Get 3.3% Boost in House Bill By Jocelyn Kaiser Science.com Sept. 29, 2011 A House of Representatives panel released a 2012 draft spending bill today with surprisingly good news for the National Institutes of Health (NIH): The agency's budget would rise $1 billion to $31.7 billion, a 3.3% increase compared with this year's level. However, the bill does not carry out a major reorganization proposed by NIH leaders, and it is more prescriptive about other management issues than biomedical lobbyists feel is appropriate for a research agency. The proposed spending boost matches the president's request and reverses a $190 million cut approved by the Senate Appropriations Committee last week. It also comes as a surprise, given that 7 months ago the full House approved a 2011 spending bill that would have slashed $1.6 billion, or 5%, from NIH's budget. (The final legislation trimmed NIH's 2011 budget by 1%.) The increase is "pretty remarkable" given overall budget constraints, says David Moore of the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC) in Washington, D.C. But he points out that the bill also slashes health professions training programs that are important to AAMC. "We're heartened by the statement of support for the NIH, but that's tempered by what else has been cut," he says. Moore's group is also concerned about provisions that it believes "micromanage" NIH. Those provisions include requiring a minimum of 9150 new and competing grants and a 90-10 split between the size of the extramural and intramural research programs. Such decisions are best left to peer review and the scientific judgment of NIH staff, Moore says. The bill does not mention NIH's plan to create a National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS) and to abolish the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR). (The Senate bill would make these changes.) In June, the chair of the House appropriations Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies subcommittee, Representative Denny Rehberg (R-MT), said that his subcommittee could not act on the changes until it received an official budget request directly from the White House. Nor does the bill allocate funding for the Cures Acceleration Network (CAN), a new program that the Senate bill would fund at $20 million within NCATS. However, the bill says the NIH director's office can spend $2 million to set up a CAN board to begin planning the network. And it appears to move $100 million that NIH had requested for CAN to NCRR to expand its Institutional Development Award program to $330.6 million. Rehberg's state, Montana, receives funding from this program for have-not states to help their researchers be more competitive for NIH grants. The House spending panel followed an unusual process in issuing its 2012 draft prior to a meeting of the subcommittee. Such a session was scheduled for 9 September and then canceled. No new date has been set. But the draft gives the House committee a "marker" for upcoming negotiations with its Senate counterpart. In the meantime, Congress has approved a temporary measure to keep the federal government funded at the 2011 level through 4 October that will likely be extended next week until 18 November. Moore expects the two chambers to negotiate an "omnibus" appropriations measure by late November that would fund most, if not all, of the federal government.

Thursday, May 5, 2011

Research Study Results: Skepticism Required!

This new study identified some functional neuroimaging correlates to performance on a task that measures something called "delay discounting." This now highly popular test (among scientists) gives people a choice or series of choices that boils down to this question: "Do you want a smaller reward (typically money) sooner, or a larger reward later?" For example, a subject might be asked to decide between getting $1 right now, or getting $20 in two weeks. "Delay discounting" refers to discounting the value of a future reward, thus increasing the likelihood of choosing the smaller reward sooner. While there have been many such studies, I'm posting this one because of the comments made by Dan Hommer at the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. His comments focus on the concept of "impulsivity." As it turns out, there is no gold standard for measuring this construct, nor is there any consensus about what it means in more than general terms. The same holds true for many other terms used in imaging and other studies, including reward, behavioral inhibition and disinhibition, liking, wanting, attention and so forth. Bottom line: read or listen to the results of studies like this skeptically. Remember that scientists and media professionals want something to be newsworthy, leading to inflation of the importance and clarity of much research.

MW


Researchers Link Alcohol-Dependence Impulsivity to Brain Anomalies

ScienceDaily

May 1, 2011

Researchers already know that alcohol dependence (AD) is strongly associated with impaired impulse control or, more precisely, the inability to choose large, delayed rewards rather than smaller but more immediate rewards. Findings from a study using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to investigate the neural basis of impulsive choice among individuals with alcohol use disorders (AUDs) suggest that impulsive choice in AD may be the result of functional anomalies in widely distributed but interconnected brain regions that are involved in cognitive and emotional control.

Results will be published in the July 2011 issue of Alcoholism: Clinical & Experimental Research and are currently available at Early View.

"Individuals with AD score higher on questionnaires that measure impulsivity -- for example, 'I act without thinking' -- are less able to delay gratification, and are less able to inhibit responses," said Eric D. Claus, a research scientist with The Mind Research Network and first author of the study.

Given that impulsive choice in AUDs has been associated with impairment of frontal cortical systems involved in behavioral control, Claus explained, this study was designed to examine the neural correlates of one specific aspect of impulsivity, the ability to delay immediate gratification and instead choose rewards in the future.

"We investigated this choice process in individuals with alcohol use problems ranging from alcohol abuse to severe AD that required treatment," said Claus. "This is the largest study to date that has investigated the neural correlates of impulsive choice in AD, which enabled us to examine the full range of AUDs instead of only examining extreme group differences."

Claus and his colleagues examined 150 individuals (103 males, 47 females) with various degrees of alcohol use. All of the participants completed a delay discounting task -- during which two options were presented, a small monetary (e.g., $10) reward available immediately or a larger monetary reward (e.g., $30) available in time (e.g., two weeks) -- while undergoing fMRI. Impulsive choice was defined as the selection of the more immediate option.

"We showed two things," said Claus. "We replicated previous research by showing that AUD severity was associated with a greater tendency to discount future rewards. In addition, we showed that when individuals with more severe AUDs did delay gratification, they engaged the insula and supplementary motor area -- regions involved in emotional processing and response conflict -- to a greater degree than individuals with less severe AUDs. In summary, these findings suggest that the dysfunction in these regions is graded and increases as a function of AUD severity, rather than operating as an all-or-none function."

"This work showed that the brains of alcoholics don't behave all that differently from the brains of non-alcoholics during delay discounting but that the alcoholic brain had to work harder when they chose the delayed reward," said Daniel W. Hommer, chief of the Section of Brain Electrophysiology & Imaging at the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. "Many different studies have shown similar results, that is, alcoholics have a greater increase in brain blood flow to perform the same task as non-alcoholics."

"The current study suggests that the neural dysfunction underlying impulsive choice seems to increase with AD severity," added Claus. "Now that we know that this neural dysfunction is associated with impulsivity, the next steps are to determine whether this impulsivity predates the onset of AD and whether neural measures of impulsivity can predict who will respond best to particular types of treatment. Further, the particular neural dysfunction that we observed indicates that individuals with more AD may be more impulsive because their brain is aversive to delay gratification, and not because it is rewarding to be impulsive. Clinicians might need to deal directly with the aversion of choosing future benefits over immediate ones."

"The most important thing about this paper is that it leads you to question what people mean by impulsive behavior and how should it be measured," said Hommer. "The field has defined increased discounting of time -- failure to delay gratification -- as a good measure of impulsiveness, but the results reported in this paper say 'Wait a minute, delay discounting does not correspond to what is usually meant by impulsiveness.' Rather, brain activity during a delay discounting task looks more like how the brain responds during conflicted decision-making than it does during rapid, unconflicted choice of a highly valued goal." Hommer added that this sort of debate is important to researchers, forcing them to think more carefully about what they mean by impulsive choice.