Showing posts with label alcohol and health care/medicine. Show all posts
Showing posts with label alcohol and health care/medicine. Show all posts

Monday, February 10, 2014

Study: Healthcare Utilization Rates After Treatment Are Equivalent Among Abstinent and Low-Risk Drinkers

A fascinating new study will add to the small, but growing, treatment literature suggesting that low-risk drinking is a viable option for people receiving treatment for alcohol-use disorders. The paper, published this month in Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, measured healthcare utilization rates and associated costs over a 5-year period among clients receiving treatment in a large Northern California healthcare system. The results show that outcomes for abstainers and lower-risk drinkers were equivalent (and far better than the high-risk drinkers), despite the fact that the abstinence-based treatment received by all groups was the same.

According to the authors, "The finding that lower-risk drinkers did not differ from those of abstinent individuals, in inpatient use in particular, even when controlling for patient characteristics, suggests that a health policy perspective may consider benefits of lower-risk drinking."

Here's the abstract via Wiley:

Background

Lower-risk drinking is increasingly being examined as a treatment outcome for some patients following addiction treatment. However, few studies have examined the relationship between drinking status (lower-risk drinking in particular) and healthcare utilization and cost, which has important policy implications.

Methods

Participants were adults with alcohol dependence and/or abuse diagnoses who received outpatient alcohol and other drug treatment in a private, nonprofit integrated healthcare delivery system and had a follow-up interview 6 months after treatment entry (N = 995). Associations between past 30-day drinking status at 6 months (abstinence, lower-risk drinking defined as nonabstinence and no days of 5+ drinking, and heavy drinking defined as 1 or more days of 5+ drinking) and repeated measures of at least 1 emergency department (ED), inpatient or primary care visit, and their costs over 5 years were examined using mixed-effects models. We modeled an interaction between time and drinking status to examine trends in utilization and costs over time by drinking group.

Results

Heavy drinkers and lower-risk drinkers were not significantly different from the abstainers in their cost or utilization at time 0 (i.e., 6 months postintake). Heavy drinkers had increasing odds of inpatient (p < 0.01) and ED (p < 0.05) utilization over 5 years compared with abstainers. Lower-risk drinkers and abstainers did not significantly differ in their service use in any category over time. No differences were found in changes in primary care use among the 3 groups over time. The cost analyses paralleled the utilization results. Heavy drinkers had increasing ED (p < 0.05) and inpatient (p < 0.001) costs compared with the abstainers; primary care costs did not significantly differ. Lower-risk drinkers did not have significantly different medical costs compared with those who were abstinent over 5 years. However, post hoc analyses found lower-risk drinkers and heavy drinkers to not significantly differ in their ED use or costs over time.

Conclusions

Performance measures for treatment settings that consider treatment outcomes may need to take into account both abstinence and reduction to nonheavy drinking. Future research should examine whether results are replicated in harm reduction treatment, or whether such outcomes are found only in abstinence-based treatment.
Figure 1 shows Adjusted odds ratios of utilization by 6-month drinking group over time:






Figure 2 shows Adjusted average costs per member month by 6-month drinking group over time:











                                               






As mentioned above, these are the results from patients who attended abstinence-based treatment. It will be
interesting to see if these results are replicated among patients who are instructed on low-risk drinking. What experience do readers have with this issue? Do results like these make those directing abstinence-based programs think twice about the policy? It would be great to hear from you.

Hat tip: Thanks, Dr Reid Hester, for bringing this study to our attention.

Source: Kline‐Simon, A. H., Weisner, C. M., Parthasarathy, S., Falk, D. E., Litten, R. Z., & Mertens, J. R. (2013). Five‐Year Healthcare Utilization and Costs Among Lower‐Risk Drinkers Following Alcohol Treatment. Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research.
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/acer.12273/abstract

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

Study: Burden of Disease Associated with Alcohol-use Disorders Higher Than Previously Thought

In a paper published online last week in the journal, Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, a group of international researchers have brought fresh eyes to a familiar data set: the NIAAA's NESARC. Whereas past studies have estimated the alcohol-attributable global burden of disease, or rates of alcohol-attributable deaths and years of life lost, no study has focused specifically on the burden of disease in the United States associated with alcohol-use disorders (AUD). This is important, the authors note, because alcohol-use disorders (including "abuse" and "dependence" from DSM or "the harmful use of alcohol" from ICD) "were identified as the largest disease category contributing to the alcohol-attributable global burden of disease for the year 2004, making up approximately one-third of this burden." By using US-specific data, including population and death statistics as well as Waves 1 and 2 of the NESARC, the authors were able to estimate the burden of disease from AUD in the US in 2005.


Results

"In the United States in 2005, 65,000 deaths, 1,152,000 years of life lost due to premature mortality (YLL), 2,443,000 years of life lost due to disability (YLD), and 3,595,000 disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) lost were associated with AUD. For individuals 18 years of age and older, AUD were associated with 3% of all deaths (5% for men and 1% for women), and 5% of all YLL (7% for men and 2% for women). The majority of the burden of disease associated with AUD stemmed from YLD, which accounted for 68% of DALYs associated with AUD (66% for men and 74% for women). The youngest age group had the largest proportion of DALYs associated with AUD stemming from YLD."

Some figures from the article:

Prevalence of alcohol use disorders by category, sex, and age in 2005. 

And:


Proportion of all deaths associated with alcohol use disorders in 2005, by sex and age


You can read the abstract of the paper by Rehm, et al. here:

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/acer.12331/abstract

Would love to hear readers reactions to these numbers. 

Friday, January 3, 2014

Are Financial Incentives the Answer to SBIRT Implementation?

Researchers from Imperial College London may have found a way to increase alcohol screening and brief intervention in a primary care setting: financial incentives. The results, published online Dec. 26 in the Journal of Public Health, show that offering a points-based incentive for successful screening, brief intervention and referral to specialists significantly increased the number of patients who were screened. As a result, the authors say, more patients with risky alcohol intake were identified and offered care, reducing hazardous and harmful drinking in some.

While the evidence for SBIRT is abundant and well-known, there have been considerable problems in promoting widespread implementation - especially in primary care. Financial incentives could be one effective means of changing this. (Granted, a large-scale effort by the federal government or the insurance companies would likely be required to provide funding. In this study, data was collected from 2008-2011, until the UK's Quality and Outcomes Framework funding was withdrawn.)

Abstract

Introduction Alcohol screening and brief intervention (ASBI) is effective but underprovided in primary care. Financial incentives may help address this. This study assesses the impact of a local pay-for-performance programme on delivery of ASBI in UK primary care.
Methods Longitudinal study using data from 30 general practices in north-west London from 2008 to 2011 with logistic regression to examine disparities in ASBI delivery.
Results Of 211 834 registered patients, 45 040 were targeted by the incentive (cardiovascular conditions or high risk; mental health conditions), of whom 65.7% were screened (up from a baseline of 4.8%, P< 0.001), compared with 14.7% of non-targeted patients (P < 0.001). Screening rates were lower after adjustment in younger patients, White patients, less deprived areas and in patients with mental health conditions (P < 0.05). Of those screened, 11.5% were positive and 88.6% received BI. Men and White patients were significantly more likely to screen positive. Women and younger patients were less likely to receive BI. 30.1% of patients re-screened were now negative. However, patients with mental health conditions were less likely to re-screen negative than those with cardiovascular conditions.
Conclusion Financial incentives appear to be effective in increasing delivery of ASBI in primary care and may reduce hazardous and harmful drinking in some patients. The findings support universal rather than targeted screening.

Monday, December 16, 2013

If You Build It, They Will Drink

If there were lingering doubts about the effect of alcohol availability on alcohol consumption, a host of new studies seem to lead the reader to the same conclusion: that increases in availability are correlated to increases in consumption. In other words: if you build it (bar, liquor store, etc), we will drink. What's more, in many cases, it's not just drinking that will happen. So-called alcohol outlet density has been linked to interpersonal and intimate partner violence, adolescent consumption and beliefs about alcohol, and even alcohol-attributable deaths. On the other hand, raising the minimum prices or implementing taxes on alcohol sales seems to go a long way in reducing these potential harms.

The journal, Addiction, has published several of these studies online in the past few weeks. Gruenewald and colleagues analyzed survey data from 50 California cities with populations between 50,000 - 500,000. They found "greater on-premise outlet densities were related to greater drinking frequencies and volumes, and use of on-premise drinking places" (like bars and restaurants).  The researchers concluded that, in addition to characteristics of the individual drinkers (e.g. "impulsivity, risky driving), alcohol availability is correlated with consumption and related problems.

Also in-press at AddictionPaschall and colleagues analyzed the same sample, but instead focused on adolescent drinking. Some 1478 California youths, aged 13-17, responded to survey questions about past-year alcohol consumption, perceived availability, and questions related to underage enforcement and parental views toward drinking. The answers to these questions were then compared against alcohol outlet (bar) density, public policy, law enforcement activity and city demographics. The authors found that adolescent behaviors and attitudes were significantly affected by their environments. For example, past-year alcohol use was positively correlated to bar density and inversely correlated to "the comprehensiveness and stringency of local alcohol policies". In addition, higher rates of adult drinking were associated with greater increases of past-year adolescent drinking over the three-year study period.

Over in Alcohol and Alcoholism, Grubesic and colleagues studied the association between outlet density in Philadelphia and violent crime. Once again, the researchers found consistent association between the two. Here is a pair of maps, the first showing assault density, the second showing outlet density:


Contrary to the popular belief, no association was found between assault density and "transportation nodes and risky retailers". However, alcohol expenditures and general commercial activity were "positively and significantly" associated with assault density. 

The connection between intimate partner violence (IPV) and alcohol outlet density seems to be well established. In 2012, Conradi and colleagues reported that the density of bars in California was positively associated with IPV-related emergency department visits between 2005-2008. Then, earlier this year, Waller and colleagues found alcohol outlet density to be positively correlated to male-to-female physical - but not sexual - IPV among a national sample. Finally, in March, Zhao and colleagues showed that alcohol outlet density was associated with an increase in alcohol-attributable deaths in British Columbia between 2002-2009. In fact, they calculated that a 10% increase in private liquor stores was associated with a 2.45%, 2.36% and 1.99% increase in acute, chronic and total alcohol-associated (AA) mortality rates.

Interestingly, the single policy that seemed to have the biggest impact in turning these numbers around: raising the minimum price for alcohol. A 10% increase in the minimum price was associated with a 31.72% reduction in "wholly AA deaths". Pretty big numbers. As Dr W observed recently, "raising taxes on alcohol would do more for public health than all the treatment in the world.

What do you think?

Sunday, November 17, 2013

Sunday Alcohol Blue Laws: Keeping consumption in-check?


In a brand new paper by SUNY economist Bans Yoruk, the author analyzes alcohol consumption rates in five states which recently repealed laws banning the sale of alcohol on Sundays. The findings, published online this month in the journal Addiction, show that in three of the five states, per capita alcohol consumption rose significantly in the years following the repeals. Beer seems to be the type of alcohol responsible for most of the increase across the states, with wine and spirits seeing small, if any, changes in demand.


The five states studied were Delaware, which repealed its law against Sunday alcohol sales in 2003, as did Massachusetts and Pennsylvania; Rhode Island, which repealed in 2004; and New Mexico, where the law was changed in 1995. The three states whose per capita consumption increased were Delaware (from 4% pre-repeal to 4.7% post-repeal), Pennsylvania (4% to 4.6%), and New Mexico (6.5% to 7.1%). The increase in Rhode Island was “small and statistically insignificant,” and there was no change in Massachusetts. (Interestingly, the demand for beer seemed to drive the up-tick in sales – all three states where the overall demand rose saw beer consumption increase by about a full percentage point.) The five states were then compared to control states, like our beautiful Minnesota, where alcohol Blue Laws remain in effect. 

Here's the graph from the paper:



Professor Yoruk's analysis falls on the heels of another study which tracked the effects of, among other variables, perceived alcohol availability and bar density on adolescent alcohol consumption. Paschall, et al. found such environmental factors contributed significantly to higher rates of past-year alcohol use. Could it be that an archaic and puritanical relic could actually be saving some lives? Will be interesting to see what readers think about the issue…


Sources:

        Paschall, M. J., Lipperman‐Kreda, S., & Grube, J. W. (2013). Effects of the Local Alcohol Environment on Adolescents’ Drinking Behaviors and Beliefs.Addiction.
        Yörük, B. K. (2013). Legalization of Sunday alcohol sales and alcohol consumption in the United States. Addiction.

Tuesday, October 29, 2013

New Findings in Medication-Assisted Treatment

Some interesting new studies are showing promising results for patients all over the world:

Turns out, Quality of Life improvements aren't just for the wealthy:
Quality of Life (QoL) scores significantly improved in ALL four domains (psychological, physical, social and environmental) of the WHO QoL scale in patients in low and middle income countries, according to the authors of a systematic review of 13 studies involving over 1800 participants. The findings, published online last week in the Journal of Drug and Alcohol Dependence, show that despite the apparent lack of resources in these countries, opiate replacement therapy with methadone or buprenorphine can be an effective treatment tool - with scores increasing along with the length of time at followup - and offering outcomes comparable to those seen in high income countries.
You can read the abstract of the study by Feelemeyer, et al., here: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0376871613004225

The methadone of methamphetamine?:
In encouraging news for stimulant users, a small study has shown methylphenidate (Ritalin) to both improve symptoms and reduce use episodes, in a cohort of criminal justice-involved stimulant users with co-occurring ADHD. Similar findings have been published supporting mixed-amphetamine salts (Adderall) plus topiramate (Topamax) for the treatment of cocaine dependence, and more recently topiramate by itself. The authors of the small study note the high prevalence of ADHD among stimulant users in the criminal justice population and in their research used dosages that were high enough to be therapeutically effective for patients with a history of substance use disorders (a flaw, they argue, in previous studies of this kind). Could it be that we are getting closer to an accepted agonist maintenance treatment for stimulant use disorders? Read the results of the Swedish study by Konstenius, et al., published online this month in the journal Addiction:
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/add.12369/abstract

Groups could improve access to AUD medications:
And finally, in a new study in the Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, researchers have shown that group pharmacotherapy is an effective intervention for patients on medication-assisted treatment of alcohol use disorders. The authors provide a brief description of this novel approach and their experiences implementing the program. They note that, for many clinicians, providing ongoing monitoring of these effective medications can create a barrier to implementation. What the team found however, was that a "medication group" was not only feasible, but it actually increased their patients' access to meds like disulfiram (Antabuse), naltrexone and acamprosate (Campral). Read the abstract from the report by Dr Shannon Robinson and a team at San Diego's VA Health Care System here: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0740547213001347

Tuesday, February 26, 2013

New Report Outlines Global Strategy to Reduce Harmful Drinking


New Report Recommends Public Health Focus on Harmful Drinking vs. Eliminating Consumption

Tuesday, February 26, 2013

International Center for Alcohol Policies (ICAP)  

Findings Run Counter to Current Public Health Approach, Discredit Traditional Perspectives

WASHINGTON, DC--(Marketwire) - The traditional public health perspective on alcohol and noncommunicable diseases is indicted in a new report from the International Center for Alcohol Policies (ICAP). "Alcohol misuse and global health: The case for an inclusive approach to harmful drinking" discredits the traditional public health perspective that focuses on a narrow group of stakeholders and ignores individual factors and social norms.

"Unfortunately, some widely-held public policy perspectives on reducing harmful drinking are based on questionable and misleading data," said ICAP President Marcus Grant. "This report draws on a wide pool of research to clarify misconceptions and propose a more effective model that involves a broader group of stakeholders and resources, including alcohol producers."

In the past decade, there is greater recognition of the impact of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) in both developed and developing countries. Harmful alcohol consumption is a contributing lifestyle factor for several of the most widespread and harmful of these diseases, with alcohol misuse accounting for four percent of global disease burden.

The report notes that a reduction in heavy-drinking patterns will have a more significant impact on public health than limiting alcohol's physical and economic availability. Unlike tobacco use, which is harmful at any level, light to moderate drinking can have healthful benefits for some groups. There is little to be gained from stigmatizing what is, for many people, a normal behavior.

The WHO Global Strategy to Reduce the Harmful Use of Alcohol recognizes this distinction, and that including a wider array of stakeholders than historically have been engaged contributes to a more effective public health response. In an era of shrinking economies, the fight against such a critical public health issue cannot afford to exclude key influencers, such as alcohol producers, or the unique resources they can provide.

The focus of the public health community, policymakers, non-governmental organizations and yes, even producers, should be on mitigating the risk of unhealthy consumption patterns, rather than eliminating consumption altogether.

"Alcohol misuse and global health: The case for an inclusive approach to harmful drinking" is available:

The International Center for Alcohol Policies (ICAP; www.icap.org) is a not-for-profit organization supported by major international producers of beverage alcohol. Established in 1995, ICAP's mission is to promote understanding of the role of alcohol in society and to help reduce harmful drinking worldwide. ICAP's efforts to foster dialogue and partnerships in the alcohol policy field are shaped by its commitment to pragmatic and feasible solutions to reducing harm that can be tailored to local and cultural considerations and needs. ICAP has been recognized by the United Nations Economic and Social Council (UN ECOSOC) as a non-governmental organization in Special Consultative Status.

Tuesday, February 5, 2013

Why SBIRT Is Dead in the Water

In the latest issue of Health Affairs, Grace Lin et al. describe an effort to introduce decision-making aids to facilitate shared decision-making regarding back pain and colo-rectal cancer screening. Essentially, nothing changed, in spite of making the aids easily accessible, conducting training sessions, and so on. What's important is the authors' conclusion that "The results of focus groups, ethnographic field notes, and surveys suggest that major structural and cultural changes in health care practice and policy are necessary to achieve the levels of use of decision aids and shared decision making in routine practice envisioned in current policy."

Their experience mirrors my own in trying for over 20 years to get substance use addressed in primary care. Most recently, I have two separate but relate experiences here in Minnesota where I essentially ran up against a brick wall. Why? First, primary care doctors are besieged by quality improvement initiatives aimed at reducing variability of practice and improving outcomes for depression, diabetes, heart failure, back pain, asthma, hypertension and many others. These are typically mandated from the top of health care organizations (remember that most primary care physicians are now employees of a large health care organization (HCO.) By attempting to implement not only SBIRT but treatment of alcohol dependence in primary care (I call it Screening, Evaluation and Treatment, or SET, but another term could be SBIRT+) by asking physicians to voluntarily take it on was a non-starter. Typical comments were "It's a good idea but we can't take on anything more right now," or "We're having enough trouble trying to get this clinic's operations running smoothly, and until we do, it wouldn't work." 


A second factor is one of priorities. I have argued for years that universal SBIRT is not cost-effective, but should be more targeted. Related to this is a crucial question: since visit length is not going to increase, what do you want the doctor to stop doing so they can do these new things, like shared decision-making and SBIRT+?  In other words, in a typical visit, the patient has certain expectations about why they are there and what they want, and most patients have multiple chronic diseases like obesity, arthritis, hypertension and diabetes. Oh, and of course they smoke. So, do you want the doctor to not address the patient's presenting complaint (e.g., arthritis pain, insomnia), or not address their hypertensive control so they have the time to spend on shared decision-making for back pain, or to conduct SBIRT+? How do you think patients would feel about this? This applies especially to SBIRT, because it is attempting to identify a problem they patient is unaware of and not concerned about. "Doctor, I came here because my right knee is all swollen and painful, and you want to take 2 out of the 8 minutes you spend with me asking me about drinking!?"

So have come to a similar conclusion: until the medical home concept is fully implemented, with team care that includes a focus on health behaviors of all types, SBIRT or SET are DOA. My most recent attempt has been to start with something that has the attention of every primary care doctor: pain management. I'm providing training to all the primary care doctors in Allina Health in management of chronic pain, and the response so far has been overwhelmingly positive. I'm hoping that by getting to know so many primary care physicians in this HCO, they will be more receptive to introducing SET. However, it has also become clear that the only way this will occur is if the top leadership of the organization decides that SET is important enough to get it into the queue of quality improvement projects, and thus mandate its implementation. 

Primary care, even with the medical home, is not going to be all things to all people, and choices are going to have to be made about what is important enough to include and what might ideally be included but which doesn't make the cut because it is not cost-effective or clinically significant enough.

Besides, if we were serious about addressing the heavy disease burden associated with heavy drinking, we would triple the taxes on alcoholic beverages. That would have a greater public health impact than implementing SBIRT in every primary care practice in the country. 

MW

Here's the abstract:


An Effort To Spread Decision Aids In Five California Primary Care Practices Yielded Low Distribution, Highlighting Hurdles

  1. Dominick L. Frosch7,*
+Author Affiliations
  1. 1Grace A. Lin is an assistant professor in the Division of General Internal Medicine and at the Philip R. Lee Institute for Health Policy Studies at the University of California, San Francisco.
  2. 2Meghan Halley is an assistant research anthropologist in the Department of Health Services Research at the Palo Alto Medical Foundation Research Institute, in California.
  3. 3Katharine A.S. Rendle is a research associate in the Department of Health Services Research at the Palo Alto Medical Foundation Research Institute.
  4. 4Caroline Tietbohl is a research assistant in the Department of Health Services Research at the Palo Alto Medical Foundation Research Institute.
  5. 5Suepattra G. May is an assistant research anthropologist in the Department of Health Services Research at the Palo Alto Medical Foundation Research Institute.
  6. 6Laurel Trujillo is medical director of quality at the Palo Alto Foundation Medical Group and chair of the Quality Improvement Steering Committee, both at the Palo Alto Medical Foundation, in Los Altos, California.
  7. 7Dominick L. Frosch (dominick.frosch@moore.org) is an associate adjunct professor in the Division of General Internal Medicine and Health Services Research, Department of Medicine, University of California, Los Angeles.
  1. *Corresponding author

Abstract

Despite the proven efficacy of decision aids as interventions for increasing patient engagement and facilitating shared decision making, they are not used routinely in clinical care. Findings from a project designed to achieve such integration, conducted at five primary care practices in 2010–12, document low rates of distribution of decision aids to eligible patients due for colorectal cancer screening (9.3 percent) and experiencing back pain (10.7 percent). There were also no lasting increases in distribution rates in response to training sessions and other promotional activities for physicians and clinic staff. The results of focus groups, ethnographic field notes, and surveys suggest that major structural and cultural changes in health care practice and policy are necessary to achieve the levels of use of decision aids and shared decision making in routine practice envisioned in current policy. Among these changes are ongoing incentives for use, physician training, and a team-based practice model in which all care team members bear formal responsibility for the use of decision aids in routine primary care.

Tuesday, September 25, 2012

How to Save $30,000 and Get Better Results

I have had numerous patients who have been pressured by their families to "go away" to some residential treatment program, usually it seems in another state (than Minnesota). Florida, Arizona and California seem to have a concentration of these, especially "Executive Programs" with gourmet food, precious handling, "equine therapy," "golf therapy," yoga, life coaching, and of course first class accommodations. They run from $20,000 to $70,000 for a month. These are people who have severe, recurrent addictions, usually to alcohol but some are addicted to opioids like heroin. Almost all have been through some sort of rehab multiple times before. Many but not all have money. Often enough, it's a family member who is coughing up the big bucks.

What do they get? One patient relapsed on the plane on the way home. Not a single one had any lasting benefit. Almost all relapsed within weeks, often days after returning home. In other circumstances, patients and families, and in Minnesota, state government, will pay for lengthy stays, 90, 120, 180 days in some "recovery environment." Again, it's plenty costly. But do they get any benefit? The vast majority do not.

It's an uphill battle to try to convince family members that sending their loved one away for some period of time to some "special place" is very unlikely to change their long-term outcomes. People just do not want to believe it. And admittedly, it's a hard pill to swallow. After all, the chemical dependency treatment industry has done a commendable job of spreading the idea that anyone can recover "if they really want to." And of convincing people that they have some unique answer to an ancient problem that defies easy resolution. The really difficult fact is this: all of our treatments (yes, that includes 12 Step treatment programs and AA) have modest effects at best. (The exception to this generalization is for opioid maintenance therapy with Suboxone or methadone for addiction to opioids such as Oxycontin or heroin. Opioid maintenance therapy is extremely effective and more cost-effective than almost any medical intervention other than vaccination.) Too many people do not respond to any available treatment. And they die of their illness. They die of a hereditary, brain-based behavioral disorder that makes them vulnerable to compulsive use of alcohol, opioids, cocaine, meth or cigarettes. It's not that they aren't motivated to change. I have to say, this is one of the cruelest things that rehabs do: people are told they could stop the process if they wanted to. But guess what? Some people can't. No matter how hard they try to "work the program." No matter what they do. Even if they go 90x90, or attend 1000 12-step meetings a year. They are mystified. "Why do I keep doing this? I'm not stupid! I know what will happen, but I do it anyway." This is the mystery of addiction.

In other chronic severe diseases, health care providers constantly experience failure of available treatments, and are able to accept it. People die of heart disease, cancer, diabetes, stroke, multiple sclerosis, dementia. But in the rehab industry, staff members are protected from experiencing treatment failure. First, treatment is time limited. So, instead of having to live with patients who come back with recurrent illness when the treatment doesn't work, staff members don't have to live with (and struggle to help) people who don't respond to treatment. Second, the entire industry (and unfortunately, too many 12-step program members) believe without doubt that "treatment doesn't fail patients, patients fail treatment." Try telling that to someone with metastatic cancer, end-stage liver failure, Parkinson's disease or chronic obstructive liver disease. But because we continue to stigmatize people with addiction, we get by with it, we are told to reject them, to use "tough love," to let them "bottom out." In my experience, in too many people "bottom" is 6 feet under ground. We condemn family members who don't abandon their loved ones as "enablers." What could be more cruel than this?

As a healer, one of the hardest things I do is to stay engaged with someone who dies of addiction. To not reject them. To not condemn them. To understand they are in the grips of something neither they nor I nor anyone else can control or stop, short of imprisoning them (and even then, prisons and mental hospitals are usually full of drugs.) To accept the limitations of our available treatments. To be compassionate even as death approaches. In the last year alone, in my part-time clinical practice, I have lost 6 patients to addiction.

It's not actually different than dying of diabetic renal failure, or of multiple sclerosis, or cancer. We can accept those illnesses as "not the person's fault." But when it's a brain-based disease, we cannot fathom that a brain can become dysregulated to the degree that someone loses control of their behavior to such an extent that they die from it. It's too frightening. We can't stand the thought that we aren't in full control of our lives. That we can't control our own behavior completely.

And yet, we all know better. We all have areas of problem, non-optimal behavior. We smoke. We drink too much. We don't exercise enough. We can't get our behavior right with our spouse or partner or children. We lose it. We shop too much. We can't handle money. We eat too much. We don't take good care of ourselves when we have a chronic illness. We lose our tempers. We work too hard, or not hard enough. We ignore important things. We procrastinate.

Yet we cling to the illusion of control. Of self-determination. We control our fates. Why can't "they"?

Just to be clear, I am not advocating that people with brain-based behavioral disorders not be held responsible for their behavior. For example, I am not advocating that people who commit crimes while intoxicated should be found innocent because of their addiction. As we move further into understanding the brain mechanisms underlying destructive and/or illegal behavior, this question looms large. But I have concluded that even though brain dysregulation might underlie much of this type of behavior, society only works if we hold people responsible for their behavior in spite of that fact. Individual responsibility for behavior is a social and political necessity that cannot be sorted out by science. In this blog, I am addressing how to provide health care for people with addiction and nothing else.

It's terrifying to think of having a behavior so out of control that it kills us. Anorexia nervosa. Depression. Bipolar disorder. Schizophrenia. Addictions. Antisocial and borderline personality disorders. All have substantial mortality rates. People with serious mental illness die 25 years early on average! Is it because people don't care if they die? I know that's not true, I've worked with too many of them. No, it's because the brain is a flesh-and-blood organ that can get sick, dysregulated, in specific ways that the individual cannot have insight into and cannot control. And it kills them. We have to come to grips with this grim reality if we have any hope of overcoming these dread diseases.

One thing I do know is this: some short-term high-end expensive rehab program is not going to change anything. The best hope is long-term care management with an experienced and qualified clinician or team of clinicians. That's what we do for diabetes, heart disease, cancer, stroke, arthritis. That's the best we can do for people with severe addictions. And it is a heck of a lot cheaper besides. Give me $30,000; I'll see you daily for a year! Geez, with 8 patients, I could make $240,000 a year!

I can obtain better results at a fraction of the price than any high-end time-limited treatment program. I guarantee it! And yet, I have to accept that despite all of my best efforts, and theirs, and their families', some of my patients will not respond. And some will die as a result. And they deserve our compassion, not condemnation.

What do you think? Please spread this around, comment on it, argue, agree or do something else. These are incredibly important questions.

MW

Thursday, September 6, 2012

Continuing Care Produces Reduces Costs for Substance Use Patients


Persuasive Research for a Chronic Care Model for Some People with SUD
There are two fascinating research reports that recently came out of the group anchored and founded by Connie Weisner, a very productive and insightful scientist conducting health services research at Kaiser-Permanente in San Francisco. In addition to being a first-class scientist, Dr. Weisner is a genuinely good person and a great mentor who has built an extremely productive group. Jennifer Mertens is one of her protégés who has emerged as a first-class scientist in her own right.
The first of these two articles examined the healthcare costs of a group of people who presented for substance use disorder (SUD) treatment at a Kaiser facility. First-authored by Sujaya Parthasarathy, another up-and-coming health services researcher, this study followed SUD patients and compared their health care costs over the ensuing 9 years, compared to a matched group of non-SUD patients (Parthasarathy, Chi et al. 2012). The aim of the study was to examine the association between elements of continuing care over that period and health care costs. Continuing care was defined as ideally having three components: an annual primary care visit plus the availability and use of either SUD or psychiatric services as needed. They hypothesized that people with more components of continuing care would have lower healthcare costs. They had previously shown that having more elements of continuing care was associated with greater rates of abstinence.
What did they find? Having all three elements of continuing care available and used was associated with lower health care costs over a 9 year period, compared with those receiving fewer components. The SUD patients who did not receive continuing care had inpatients costs of $66 per member per month (that’s a lot), while those receiving continuing care did not differ from non-SUD controls.
This study is observational. That is, it followed people over time and then examined correlations, or associations among different variables. There is a principle in research, which is, “Correlation does not imply causation.” That is, one cannot determine what causes what, merely that two variables, such as receiving continuing care and abstinence, tend to occur together more than would be expected by chance. So, it cannot be concluded, for example, that providing continuing care caused improved outcomes and reduced healthcare costs. Or whether patients who were already doing well (for whatever reason) caused more continuing care by making better use of appropriate healthcare services.
Nevertheless, I believe that, combined with other studies, there is a powerful argument to be made that SUD services should include all three components when appropriate: primary care, SUD treatment services and mental health treatment, and that these services should be available on a continuing basis for as long as needed. This is, after all, how we treat virtually every other disease, from asthma to depression to arthritis. It also makes sense to make every effort to make them available in as seamless and integrated a fashion as possible.