Showing posts with label addiction. Show all posts
Showing posts with label addiction. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 28, 2018

The Language We Use in Addiction Treatment



The language we use related to alcohol and drug use disorders is often stigmatizing and misguided. Alltyr’s mission is to transform addiction treatment in America. Changing language is a necessary step in that process.

Here’s is Alltyr’s guide to addiction language for the 21st Century.

Instead of saying:
Say:
alcoholic
person with an alcohol use disorder (AUD)
addict
person with a substance use disorder (SUD)
alcohol /drug abuse
risky use, heavy drinking, risky drinking
sober
abstaining, in remission
betrayer, liar, cheat, thief, selfish
addicted person, sick, ill
enabler
loved one  
enabling
unhelpful or unskillful behavior
tough love
self-care, setting reasonable limits and expectations
unmotivated, denial
ambivalent about change, non-adherent, not yet able to overcome barriers to change, demoralized
dry drunk
irritable, moody, troubled, erratic, struggling
slip, lapse, relapse
use episode, recurrence, set-back
recovery (abstinence + spiritual growth)
remission (absence of illness once present)
relapse
recurrence, set-back
relapse prevention
recovery skills training
treatment program
rehab
Treatment (meaning rehab)
treatment (includes all levels of care)
MAT (medication assisted treatment)
treatment, pharmacotherapy, anti-relapse meds
compliance
adherence
non-compliant
non-adherent
harm reduction
treatment, chronic care management, partial response

Want to learn more about The Alltyr Model of Care™? Visit our website: www.alltyr.com 

Friday, June 13, 2014

Informed Consent in Addiction Treatment: An Ethical Obligation

Informed Consent in Opioid Addiction Treatment: An Ethical Obligation


This article was originally published in The Carlat Addiction Treatment Report, Volume 2, #3, May 2014
Printer-friendly version
Source: 
 CATR, May 2014, Vol 2, Issue 3, Opioid Addiction
Informed consent—whether it be for psychotherapy, prescribing a medication, or performing a surgical procedure—is an ethical principle firmly established in law and medicine.
While there has been no formal research on this subject, my experience suggests that many addiction treatment programs fail to obtain valid informed consent. The starkest example occurs in the treatment of opioid addiction, where the practices and beliefs of clinicians often differ markedly from the evidence regarding effective treatments.
What is Informed Consent?
Informed consent refers to the collaborative process that a provider and patient go through to develop a treatment plan for the patient’s problems. This moral requirement is based on the principle of respecting a person’s autonomy, that is, their right “to hold views, to make choices, and to take actions based on their values and beliefs” (Beauchamp TL & Childress JF.Principles of Bio-medical Ethics, 7th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013:122–123).
Valid consent fulfills three criteria (Grimm DA, N M Law Rev 2007;37(1):39–83). First, the patient needs to have decision-making capacity. Capacity, in a medical context, refers to patients’ ability to understand information, appreciate their situation, use reason to make a decision, and communicate their choices (Applebaum PS, N Engl J Med 2007;357(18):1834–1840). This is referred to as the “capacity” criterion.
Second, the provider needs to present the full range of available treatment options based on current scientific knowledge. During this discussion, he or she needs to outline the risks and benefits of these various options and what could be reasonably expected if the patient declines treatment altogether. This is called the “disclosure” criterion.
Finally, valid consent requires that patients are free from coercion—that is, they are in a position to voluntarily choose any treatment option that they feel is best for them. This is described as the “voluntariness” criterion.
A provider has failed to obtain valid informed consent if any of these elements are missing.
Legal Standards
Legal requirements for consent have evolved over centuries. Until relatively recently, courts used a physician-oriented point of view: the physician was required to provide information he or she felt was in the patient’s best interests. This resulted in practices such as informing a spouse, but not the patient, of a terminal disease. In other cases, providers deliberately omitted certain treatment options from their discussions with patients because of their personal beliefs or biases against them.
Through a series of court decisions, a new standard, the “reasonable person” or “prudent person” standard, emerged. Providers are now expected to present patients with information that a reasonable or prudent person would want to know in order to make healthcare decisions (Berg JW et al.Informed Consent: Legal Theory and Clinical Practice, 2d ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001:48).
In clinical practice, a provider is not allowed to withhold information from a patient based on his or her judgment that one treatment is better than another. The provider is thus required to present the scientific evidence supporting available treatment options, the expected outcomes of these various treatments, and the clinician’s recommendation for the patient and the rationale for it. This recommendation also needs to take into account any patient-specific features that factored into the provider’s decision-making.
This means that clinicians are legally obligated to provide information that they may prefer to withhold. The purpose of informed consent, however, is not to “conveniently promote a treatment plan; it requires informing patients with the recognition that they may disagree with a recommended treatment plan and retain the authority to do so” (Berg et al, op.cit).
There is also an important distinction between the actual process of obtaining autonomous authorization for a treatment or procedure and institutional requirements that patients sign informed consent documents. Patients frequently sign such documents in the absence of true informed consent (Beauchamp & Childress, op.cit).
Evidence-Based Treatment
Providers are obligated to summarize the scientific data concerning the effectiveness of various treatment options. The only treatment with consistent, strong evidence of effectiveness for opioid addiction is indefinite opioid maintenance therapy with either buprenorphine or methadone (Mattick RP et al, Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2014;2:CD002207).
Currently, the World Health Organization, US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, US Department of Health and Human Services, and many other agencies and organizations recommend methadone and buprenorphine maintenance as first-line treatments.
In contrast, there is no evidence commending drug-free (or so-called abstinence-based) treatments (Mayet S et al, Cochrane Database Syst Rev2005;1:CD004330). Moreover, there is good evidence that psychosocial or intensive behavioral approaches fail to improve outcomes compared to minimal drug counseling in patients receiving opioid maintenance therapy (Amato L et al, Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2011;10:CD004147; Fiellin DA et al, Am J Med 2013;126(1):74.e11–17).
Naltrexone is the only other medication that has been approved by the FDA for opioid addiction. Oral naltrexone (ReVia) is ineffective (Minozzi S et al,Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2011;4: CD001333) and the efficacy of extended-release, injectable naltrexone (Vivitrol) was established in just a single, industry-sponsored study conducted in Russia, where buprenorphine and methadone are not legally available (Krupitsky E et al, Lancet2011;377(9776):1506–1513).
Presently, evidence for Vivitrol’s effectiveness is limited and generalization of clinical trial data to other countries is questionable. (For more, see“Vivitrol: Another Option for Opioid Addiction?”)
Meeting the Capacity Criterion
In addiction treatment, patients who are experiencing severe withdrawal symptoms may not have capacity due to pain and emotional distress. Other confounders include co-occurring mental disorders and cognitive impairment associated with prescribed medications and substances of abuse. Although beyond the scope of this article, simple bedside instruments allow providers to evaluate and easily document a patient’s decision-making capacity (Tunzi M, Am Fam Physician 2001;64(2):299–306).
Meeting the Disclosure Criterion
Providers need to have a clear understanding of available treatment options and the scientific evidence supporting each one, so they can meet their obligation concerning disclosure.
This article’s brief summary may serve as a starting point. Standard textbooks are also a ready source of such information (eg, Strain EC & Stitzer ML eds. The Treatment of Opioid Dependence. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006). In addition, a number of plain language resources geared toward patients are available (eg,http://1.usa.gov/1ibCKou).
Providers need to present patients with more than their program’s philosophy or even the community standard of care. Remember, the standard for disclosure is what a reasonable or prudent patient would want to know, not a narrow presentation concerning usual care or the provider’s personal preferences. In the case of opioid addiction, this means summarizing the scientific data on the effectiveness of treatment options. This is a fiduciary duty that trumps the clinician’s personal preferences and their program’s philosophy of care.
Meeting the Voluntariness Criterion
Providers need to be very sensitive to overt, and more subtle covert, coercion when discussing treatment options with patients. Many people presenting for substance use treatment are subject to significant coercion from the legal system, employers, and families. Thus, we need to ensure that consent is truly voluntary and that we are not using coercion to impose our own views concerning treatment upon patients.
This ethical obligation may require advocating for a treatment option different than what a judge, probation officer, employer, or family prefers or recommends.
CATR’s Take: Addiction treatment has historically been very prescriptive and patients often had little choice about the care that they received. This article is a good reminder that providers have an affirmative duty to obtain informed consent and engage patients in shared decision-making.

Sunday, June 8, 2014

Alltyr Clinic Featured on NPR's Weekend Edition!

Alltyr Clinic is featured on NPR's Weekend Edition Sunday today, June 8, 2014. We are positioned as an alternative to traditional rehab, in this case Hazelden. One of our patients, Shane Linehan, was brave enough to share his experience with both Hazelden (where he went first) and Alltyr Clinic (where he is being treated now.) I want to thank him and applaud his courage for speaking out. (For the record, Alltyr Clinic gave him no incentive; we simply offered the opportunity to many of our patients.) We are honored to be compared to arguably the best known traditional rehab in the country (if not the world.)

Unfortunately, in the summary on the program's landing page, our approach is described as being almost totally oriented around prescribing anti-relapse medications. Although we use every proven anti-relapse medication, we also use every evidence-based behavioral/psychosocial approach. This includes individual and group therapy using motivational, cognitive-behavioral, coping skills, 12-Step Facilitation, EMDR, CRAFT, DBT, psychodynamic, community reinforcement, couples and family approaches. Which we use depends on the needs of the patient. Our team includes addiction psychiatrists, addiction medicine specialists, psychologists, social workers, counselors and recovery coaches.

Furthermore, we fully integrate treatment for any co-existing mental health disorder, such as anxiety, depression, PTSD, personality disorders, bipolar disorder, cognitive disorders, as well as medical problems such as insomnia and chronic pain. We really aim to be a "one-stop shop." If sober housing is needed we work with community partners to help our patients secure it. 
The bottom line is this: coming to Alltyr Clinic is like coming to a mental health clinic or any other health care service using a multi-disciplinary approach. Each patient receives a comprehensive individual evaluation upon which the treatment recommendations are based. Selecting from a large menu of services, a truly individualized treatment plan is arrived at by the patient, the treatment team, and if appropriate, the family. After treatment is started, the plan is modified as needed. The length and intensity of treatment is also completely individual and flexible. We do whatever we can and we stay with you as long as it takes. We aren't a program, we're a clinic.

At Alltyr Clinic, "We Don't Just Call Addiction a Disease, We Treat It Like One."TM

Monday, March 17, 2014

Is Addiction Always Permanent?

Recently, a colleague challenged what he perceived to be my "insistence that addiction is permanent." Here is my reply:

Dear John (not his real name):

As you know, I'm well aware of the studies regarding the life course of people who at some point in their lives meet dxic criteria for a SUD. And also, as you are aware, I've been talking about that, and therefore the need to have a wider continuum of care and to individualize approaches to SUDs for at least 10 years. In my presentation, Alcoholism Isn't What It Used to Be, which you frequently reference, I point out that 20 years after onset of DSM IV Alcohol Dependence, the most common outcome is low-risk drinking (40%), followed by abstinence (roughly 1/3), partial remission (about 20%) and then finally currently dependent (8%). So I'm not sure what the basis is for concluding that I have made blanket statements about ALL addicts in ALL circumstances.
 
What I do believe, and here I think the science and epidemiology are equally persuasive, is that in the case of severe addiction, there are brain neuroadaptations that are irreversible. For example, the likelihood of achieving non-abstinent recovery is inversely related to the severity of alcohol dependence. Conversely, abstinent outcomes become more likely as severity increases. This is as true in rodents as in humans. Since rehab and AA are populated almost exclusively by people at the very severe end of the spectrum, the likelihood of sustained non-abstinent recovery for current treatment seekers or AA members is relatively low. Thus, the AA stance is accurate for most AA members. Severity of dependence is the strongest predictor of AA affiliation, especially long-term affiliation, as opposed to a few weeks or months after a spell in rehab. Established heroin or other opioid addiction is another example; thus buprenorphine and methadone maintenance and the virtually complete failure of abstinence (or moderation) for treatment seekers. Those who could stop on the their own do so and therefore do not present for tx. That, of course, is a function of the awfulness, expense, stigmatization and disruption most current treatment includes.
 
At Alltyr Clinic, for example, I have seen many pts who come with a mild AUD who achieve non-abstinent recovery.
 
Just as abstinence is not a requirement for everyone who develops a SUD, neither is moderation possible for a sizeable proportion of them. The size varies by drug: Probably close to 100% of dependent smokers will require lifelong abstinence, whereas, most cannabis users will not, etc. Heroin, meth and cocaine addiction also probably have high to relatively high proportions where abstinence (which includes people taking opioid agonist therapy) is the only positive outcome option. In alcohol, I think it's probably somewhere in the middle, a large minority achieve non-abstinent recovery.
 
So the newer data simply seem to affirm the NESARC data, that conclusions have been based on clinical samples, and that if you look at community samples, the picture is very different. That's true for almost all common complex diseases, such as asthma or arthritis or even hypertension, the difference being that with SUDs there is a very high full remission rate, something that happens in very few other common complex diseases. Depression is very likely to be a pretty good analogue as well.
 
Finally, noting that many people have milder, self-limiting forms of SUDs doesn't mean they aren't brain disesases. How can you have a behavioral illness that doesn't include failures in brain regulation of behavior? It's just that in too many instances, people misinterpret "brain disease" to mean "permanent". Also, it hasn't helped that NIDA and SAMHSA keep stressing the chronicity of addiction, something I constantly fought against when i was at NIH. It's often not chronic. Neither is asthma, but I suspect you wouldn't have trouble thinking of mild, self-limited childhood asthma as a lung disease, or immune disease.

Thursday, February 13, 2014

Gaps in Clinical Prevention and Treatment for Alcohol Use Disorders


Dr W's article, "Gaps in Clinical Prevention and Treatment for Alcohol Use Disorders" was published this month online in the journal Alcohol Research: Current Reviews. Here's the abstract:

Abstract

Heavy drinking causes significant morbidity, premature mortality, and other social and economic burdens on society, prompting numerous prevention and treatment efforts to avoid or ameliorate the prevalence of heavy drinking and its consequences. However, the impact on public health of current selective (i.e., clinical) prevention and treatment strategies is unclear. Screening and brief counseling for at-risk drinkers in ambulatory primary care has the strongest evidence for efficacy, and some evidence indicates this approach is cost-effective and reduces excess morbidity and dysfunction. Widespread implementation of screening and brief counseling of nondependent heavy drinkers outside of the medical context has the potential to have a large public health impact. For people with functional dependence, no appropriate treatment and prevention approaches currently exist, although such strategies might be able to prevent or reduce the morbidity and other harmful consequences associated with the condition before its eventual natural resolution. For people with alcohol use disorders, particularly severe and recurrent dependence, treatment studies have shown improvement in the short term. However, there is no compelling evidence that treatment of alcohol use disorders has resulted in reductions in overall disease burden. More research is needed on ways to address functional alcohol dependence as well as severe and recurrent alcohol dependence.

And check out the full piece here:

Monday, February 10, 2014

Study: Healthcare Utilization Rates After Treatment Are Equivalent Among Abstinent and Low-Risk Drinkers

A fascinating new study will add to the small, but growing, treatment literature suggesting that low-risk drinking is a viable option for people receiving treatment for alcohol-use disorders. The paper, published this month in Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, measured healthcare utilization rates and associated costs over a 5-year period among clients receiving treatment in a large Northern California healthcare system. The results show that outcomes for abstainers and lower-risk drinkers were equivalent (and far better than the high-risk drinkers), despite the fact that the abstinence-based treatment received by all groups was the same.

According to the authors, "The finding that lower-risk drinkers did not differ from those of abstinent individuals, in inpatient use in particular, even when controlling for patient characteristics, suggests that a health policy perspective may consider benefits of lower-risk drinking."

Here's the abstract via Wiley:

Background

Lower-risk drinking is increasingly being examined as a treatment outcome for some patients following addiction treatment. However, few studies have examined the relationship between drinking status (lower-risk drinking in particular) and healthcare utilization and cost, which has important policy implications.

Methods

Participants were adults with alcohol dependence and/or abuse diagnoses who received outpatient alcohol and other drug treatment in a private, nonprofit integrated healthcare delivery system and had a follow-up interview 6 months after treatment entry (N = 995). Associations between past 30-day drinking status at 6 months (abstinence, lower-risk drinking defined as nonabstinence and no days of 5+ drinking, and heavy drinking defined as 1 or more days of 5+ drinking) and repeated measures of at least 1 emergency department (ED), inpatient or primary care visit, and their costs over 5 years were examined using mixed-effects models. We modeled an interaction between time and drinking status to examine trends in utilization and costs over time by drinking group.

Results

Heavy drinkers and lower-risk drinkers were not significantly different from the abstainers in their cost or utilization at time 0 (i.e., 6 months postintake). Heavy drinkers had increasing odds of inpatient (p < 0.01) and ED (p < 0.05) utilization over 5 years compared with abstainers. Lower-risk drinkers and abstainers did not significantly differ in their service use in any category over time. No differences were found in changes in primary care use among the 3 groups over time. The cost analyses paralleled the utilization results. Heavy drinkers had increasing ED (p < 0.05) and inpatient (p < 0.001) costs compared with the abstainers; primary care costs did not significantly differ. Lower-risk drinkers did not have significantly different medical costs compared with those who were abstinent over 5 years. However, post hoc analyses found lower-risk drinkers and heavy drinkers to not significantly differ in their ED use or costs over time.

Conclusions

Performance measures for treatment settings that consider treatment outcomes may need to take into account both abstinence and reduction to nonheavy drinking. Future research should examine whether results are replicated in harm reduction treatment, or whether such outcomes are found only in abstinence-based treatment.
Figure 1 shows Adjusted odds ratios of utilization by 6-month drinking group over time:






Figure 2 shows Adjusted average costs per member month by 6-month drinking group over time:











                                               






As mentioned above, these are the results from patients who attended abstinence-based treatment. It will be
interesting to see if these results are replicated among patients who are instructed on low-risk drinking. What experience do readers have with this issue? Do results like these make those directing abstinence-based programs think twice about the policy? It would be great to hear from you.

Hat tip: Thanks, Dr Reid Hester, for bringing this study to our attention.

Source: Kline‐Simon, A. H., Weisner, C. M., Parthasarathy, S., Falk, D. E., Litten, R. Z., & Mertens, J. R. (2013). Five‐Year Healthcare Utilization and Costs Among Lower‐Risk Drinkers Following Alcohol Treatment. Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research.
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/acer.12273/abstract

Monday, January 27, 2014

Do Adverse Childhood Experiences Make Amphetamine More Pleasurable?

In a fascinating new study, researchers from the University of Maryland and Johns Hopkins University observed the way amphetamine affects the brain, comparing subjects who reported adverse childhood experiences (ACE) with those who did not. They found significant differences between groups in the way the drug impacted the dopamine (DA) neurotransmitter in the ventral striatal (VS) region of the brain, finding a significant positive correlation between early childhood trauma and VS DA release.

The results, published online in the journal, Psychopharmacology, suggest that adverse childhood experiences may enhance vulnerability to amphetamine-use disorders later in life by changing the way the brain transmits dopamine. Interestingly, a positive association between childhood trauma and amphetamine-induced pleasure was suggested for men, but vice versa for women.

Here's the abstract via SpringerLink, and an interesting image from the article:

Abstract

Rationale

Childhood exposure to severe or chronic trauma is an important risk factor for the later development of adult mental health problems, such as substance abuse. Even in nonclinical samples of healthy adults, persons with a history of significant childhood adversity seem to experience greater psychological distress than those without this history. Evidence from rodent studies suggests that early life stress may impair dopamine function in ways that increase risks for drug abuse. However, the degree to which these findings translate to other species remains unclear.

Objectives

This study was conducted to examine associations between childhood adversity and dopamine and subjective responses to amphetamine in humans.

Methods

Following intake assessment, 28 healthy male and female adults, aged 18–29 years, underwent two consecutive 90-min positron emission tomography studies with high specific activity [11C]raclopride. The first scan was preceded by intravenous saline; the second by amphetamine (AMPH 0.3 mg/kg).

Results

Consistent with prior literature, findings showed positive associations between childhood trauma and current levels of perceived stress. Moreover, greater number of traumatic events and higher levels of perceived stress were each associated with higher ventral striatal dopamine responses to AMPH. Findings of mediation analyses further showed that a portion of the relationship between childhood trauma and dopamine release may be mediated by perceived stress.

Conclusions

Overall, results are consistent with preclinical findings suggesting that early trauma may lead to enhanced sensitivity to psychostimulants and that this mechanism may underlie increased vulnerability for drug abuse.



http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs00213-013-3407-z

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

Study: Burden of Disease Associated with Alcohol-use Disorders Higher Than Previously Thought

In a paper published online last week in the journal, Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, a group of international researchers have brought fresh eyes to a familiar data set: the NIAAA's NESARC. Whereas past studies have estimated the alcohol-attributable global burden of disease, or rates of alcohol-attributable deaths and years of life lost, no study has focused specifically on the burden of disease in the United States associated with alcohol-use disorders (AUD). This is important, the authors note, because alcohol-use disorders (including "abuse" and "dependence" from DSM or "the harmful use of alcohol" from ICD) "were identified as the largest disease category contributing to the alcohol-attributable global burden of disease for the year 2004, making up approximately one-third of this burden." By using US-specific data, including population and death statistics as well as Waves 1 and 2 of the NESARC, the authors were able to estimate the burden of disease from AUD in the US in 2005.


Results

"In the United States in 2005, 65,000 deaths, 1,152,000 years of life lost due to premature mortality (YLL), 2,443,000 years of life lost due to disability (YLD), and 3,595,000 disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) lost were associated with AUD. For individuals 18 years of age and older, AUD were associated with 3% of all deaths (5% for men and 1% for women), and 5% of all YLL (7% for men and 2% for women). The majority of the burden of disease associated with AUD stemmed from YLD, which accounted for 68% of DALYs associated with AUD (66% for men and 74% for women). The youngest age group had the largest proportion of DALYs associated with AUD stemming from YLD."

Some figures from the article:

Prevalence of alcohol use disorders by category, sex, and age in 2005. 

And:


Proportion of all deaths associated with alcohol use disorders in 2005, by sex and age


You can read the abstract of the paper by Rehm, et al. here:

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/acer.12331/abstract

Would love to hear readers reactions to these numbers. 

Monday, January 20, 2014

Study: Sex-Dependent Differences in Subjective Cannabis Effects (Do Women Enjoy Pot More Than Men?)

A new article by researchers at the New York State Psychiatric Institute and Department of Psychiatry at Columbia University explores the differences in the way men and women report their subjective experiences of the effects of cannabis. The authors reviewed data from four separate outpatient studies evaluating a range of cannabis-induced effects. In the final analysis, the subjects (35 men and 35 women) were all daily or near-daily cannabis users and their responses to standardized measures of mood, physical symptoms, and cannabis-related drug effects were recorded over time, beginning immediately after consumption.

It turns out, women were significantly more likely to report more feelings associated with enjoyment (and abuse liability) than men were:


According to the authors: "The results from this study demonstrate that when cannabis smokers are matched for use, ratings of cannabis’ subjective effects that are associated with abuse liability are higher in women compared to men. Although men and women significantly differed in body weight, sex differences were not observed for all subjective effects, including ratings of cannabis intoxication. "

In addition, cannabis use is more prevalent among men than women in the US (51.4% vs 37.4%, resp.). "Yet among cannabis smokers, women have a faster trajectory to cannabis-use disorders, which the current findings might in part explain." The authors call for more research to further explain the clinical significance of sex differences in the effects of cannabis and cannabis-use disorders.

The article by Cooper & Haney can be viewed here:
http://www.drugandalcoholdependence.com/article/S0376-8716%2813%2900529-2/abstract

Thursday, January 9, 2014

Vermont Governor Devotes Entire State of the State Address to Drug Addiction

From yesterday's NY Times:

In Annual Speech, Vermont Governor Shifts Focus to Drug Abuse

In a sign of how drastic the epidemic of drug addiction here has become, Gov. Peter Shumlin on Wednesday devoted his entire State of the State Message to what he said was “a full-blown heroin crisis” gripping Vermont.

“In every corner of our state, heroin and opiate drug addiction threatens us,” he said. He said he wanted to reframe the public debate to encourage officials to respond to addiction as a chronic disease, with treatment and support, rather than with only punishment and incarceration.

“The time has come for us to stop quietly averting our eyes from the growing heroin addiction in our front yards,” Governor Shumlin said, “while we fear and fight treatment facilities in our backyards.”

...
Read the rest of the story here: 
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/09/us/in-annual-speech-vermont-governor-shifts-focus-to-drug-abuse.html

Wednesday, January 8, 2014

Wacky Progressives and Scientific Illiteracy

In a disturbing article in the New York Times, Amy Harmon chronicles the tale of a brave county councilman on the island of Kona, Hawaii, who refused to be steamrolled by those who categorically believe that genetically modified organisms (GMOs) are dangerous and should be banned across the board. He actually took the time to look into the scientific research, to consult with scientists who know about this, and he attempted to draw a reasonable conclusion. He is faced, however, with a group of true believers, who keep repeating obscure claims based on long-discredited "research." They shout down their opponents and make outlandish claims that have no scientific basis or rationale. They demonize their opponents, and constantly shift the arguments when faced with scientific facts. Most disturbing of all was the refusal of his fellow council members to even allow scientists to testify, instead giving the floor repeatedly to unqualified zealots who continued to make broad, unsupportable statements. 

It turns out, then, that it's not only climate-change deniers and birthers who maintain passionately held beliefs that have no scientific basis. Worse, it shows how repeating false claims becomes a sort of echo chamber for those with similar beliefs. Finally it shows that such behavior is not limited to Tea Party fanatics or religious zealots, but applies equally to so-called progressives on the left side of the political spectrum. I write about this because it applies as well to too much in the fields of psychotherapy, behavior change and addiction treatment.

We tolerate too much of this type of thinking in our field. How many treatment centers offer "holistic" therapies such as yoga, energy field work, Reiki, or massage, or worse, "nutritional treatment" that is not only unsupported, but may well be harmful? Why are state agencies still allowing such centers to obtain licensure? Why are people paying for brain scans or quantitative EEGs or neurofeedback? And, of course, why do so many people cling to the fiction that 90x90 is effective for most people, or that 12-step approaches are 100% effective if you follow directions? (What treatments for human maladies, short of penicillin for strep throat, can claim 100% effectiveness?)

I'm not arguing that an absence of evidence of effectiveness is evidence of ineffectiveness. There is lots we all do that hasn't been studied well, simply because it is impossible to conduct a large randomized controlled trial on every possible therapy. However, in addiction treatment we have a very large and very strong evidence base from which to draw. It's actually far better than in many other areas of health care. In order to include an approach in a licensed program, at the least, we should require 1) a scientifically plausible rationale for a treatment, 2) that unsupported treatments should not be likely to cause significant harm or cost a significant amount of money, 3) that there is not significant evidence that the approach is not effective, and 4) that there is not a well-supported approach already available.

I'm also not suggesting that yoga, meditation, Reiki, energy field work, reflexology, acupuncture, massage, etc., may not be experienced as beneficial to some people. I recently underwent Rolfing, for example, which I found to be very helpful (if painful). But I didn't expect my health insurance to pay for it, and I reject any large claims concerning what it and similar approaches might accomplish. Such approaches might be made available to clients (at their own expense), but not as presented as a scientifically based health practice.

I have been surprised at how trendy the psychotherapy community is in general, not just in addiction treatment. One current example is the spread of dialectical behavior therapy (DBT) beyond its proven focus on borderline personality disorder. It seems that it's being applied to anyone and for every condition short of psychosis. Another trend is "trauma informed therapy" using eye-movement desensitization and reprocessing therapy (EMDR), DBT, prolonged exposure, or mindfulness. All of a sudden, everyone has "trauma" for which these are appropriate treatments, even though many do not meet criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD.) What was psychoanalysis if not focused on trauma? For that matter, "mindfulness" is another trendy approach, with practitioners charging for something the Buddha gave away 2600 years ago and which can be had for free at your local Buddhist meditation center.

At the same time, I seldom encounter high quality cognitive-behavior therapy (CBT) being applied to co-existing anxiety or depressive disorders, in spite of a mountain of evidence supporting their effectiveness. And too many in our field still believe that "I don't believe in it" is an adequate reason to not support anti-relapse medications that also have a strong evidence base. When we have such well-supported therapies, why aren't we using them? Why are we instead embracing half-baked ideas and approaches? Why do we tolerate so much scientific ignorance? Why do we tolerate lack of informed consent, where clients are not given information about what the evidence supports and what it does not, but instead receive biased and incorrect information that deprives them of the opportunity to make an informed decision?

Wednesday, January 1, 2014

Cochrane Releases New Reviews on MAT

The highly-respected Cochrane Library, known for its meticulous reviews of the current state of medical knowledge, has updated and released two reviews on medication-assisted treatment recently. The first, "Maintenance agonist treatments for opiate-dependent women", aims to " assess the effectiveness of any maintenance treatment alone or in combination with psychosocial intervention compared to no intervention, other pharmacological intervention or psychosocial interventions for child health status, neonatal mortality, retaining pregnant women in treatment and reducing the use of substances." The second, "Pharmacological interventions for drug-using offenders" aims to " assess the effectiveness of pharmacological interventions for drug-using offenders in reducing criminal activity and/or drug use." In both cases, the authors note the effectiveness of opioid medications in assisting patients to achieve desired outcomes (although the effect on criminal activity in the second study was significant, but less pronounced). However, they cautioned against generalizing the findings as the body of evidence of both topics is still too small.

Here are the abstracts, via Wiley:

Maintenance agonist treatments for opiate-dependent pregnant women

Abstract

Background

The prevalence of opiate use among pregnant women can range from 1% to 2% to as high as 21%. Heroin crosses the placenta and pregnant, opiate-dependent women experience a six-fold increase in maternal obstetric complications such as low birth weight, toxaemia, third trimester bleeding, malpresentation, puerperal morbidity, fetal distress and meconium aspiration. Neonatal complications include narcotic withdrawal, postnatal growth deficiency, microcephaly, neuro-behavioural problems, increased neonatal mortality and a 74-fold increase in sudden infant death syndrome.

Objectives

To assess the effectiveness of any maintenance treatment alone or in combination with psychosocial intervention compared to no intervention, other pharmacological intervention or psychosocial interventions for child health status, neonatal mortality, retaining pregnant women in treatment and reducing the use of substances.

Search methods

We searched the Cochrane Drugs and Alcohol Group Trials Register (September 2013), PubMed (1966 to September 2013), CINAHL (1982 to September 2013), reference lists of relevant papers, sources of ongoing trials, conference proceedings and national focal points for drug research. We contacted authors of included studies and experts in the field.

Selection criteria

Randomised controlled trials assessing the efficacy of any maintenance pharmacological treatment for opiate-dependent pregnant women.

Data collection and analysis

We used the standard methodological procedures expected by The Cochrane Collaboration.

Main results

We found four trials with 271 pregnant women. Three compared methadone with buprenorphine and one methadone with oral slow-release morphine. Three out of four studies had adequate allocation concealment and were double-blind. The major flaw in the included studies was attrition bias: three out of four had a high drop-out rate (30% to 40%) and this was unbalanced between groups.
Methadone versus buprenorphine: the drop-out rate from treatment was lower in the methadone group (risk ratio (RR) 0.64, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.41 to 1.01, three studies, 223 participants). There was no statistically significant difference in the use of primary substance between methadone and buprenorphine (RR 1.81, 95% CI 0.70 to 4.69, two studies, 151 participants). For both, we judged the quality of evidence as low. Birth weight was higher in the buprenorphine group in the two trials that could be pooled (mean difference (MD) -365.45 g (95% CI -673.84 to -57.07), two studies, 150 participants). The third study reported that there was no statistically significant difference. For APGAR score neither of the studies which compared methadone with buprenorphine found a significant difference. For both, we judged the quality of evidence as low. Many measures were used in the studies to assess neonatal abstinence syndrome. The number of newborns treated for neonatal abstinence syndrome, which is the most critical outcome, did not differ significantly between groups. We judged the quality of evidence as very low.
Methadone versus slow-release morphine: there was no drop-out in either treatment group. Oral slow-release morphine seemed superior to methadone for abstinence from heroin use during pregnancy (RR 2.40, 95% CI 1.00 to 5.77, one study, 48 participants). We judged the quality of evidence as moderate.
Only one study which compared methadone with buprenorphine reported side effects. For the mother there was no statistically significant difference; for the newborns in the buprenorphine group there were significantly fewer serious side effects.
In the comparison between methadone and slow-release morphine no side effects were reported for the mother, whereas one child in the methadone group had central apnoea and one child in the morphine group had obstructive apnoea.

Authors' conclusions

We did not find sufficient significant differences between methadone and buprenorphine or slow-release morphine to allow us to conclude that one treatment is superior to another for all relevant outcomes. While methadone seems superior in terms of retaining patients in treatment, buprenorphine seems to lead to less severe neonatal abstinence syndrome. Additionally, even though a multi-centre, international trial with 175 pregnant women has recently been completed and its results published and included in this review, the body of evidence is still too small to draw firm conclusions about the equivalence of the treatments compared. There is still a need for randomised controlled trials of adequate sample size comparing different maintenance treatments.

Pharmacological interventions for drug-using offenders

Abstract

Background

The review represents one in a family of four reviews focusing on a range of different interventions for drug-using offenders. This specific review considers pharmacological interventions aimed at reducing drug use and/or criminal activity for illicit drug-using offenders.

Objectives

To assess the effectiveness of pharmacological interventions for drug-using offenders in reducing criminal activity and/or drug use.

Search methods

Fourteen electronic bibliographic databases (searched between 2004 and 21 March 2013) and five additional Web resources (searched between 2004 and 11 November 2011) were searched. Experts in the field were contacted for further information.

Selection criteria

Randomised controlled trials assessing the efficacy of any pharmacological interventions for reducing, eliminating or preventing relapse in drug-using offenders were included. Data on the cost and cost-effectiveness of interventions were reported.

Data collection and analysis

We used standard methodological procedures as expected by The Cochrane Collaboration.

Main results

A total of 76 trials across the four reviews were identified. After a process of prescreening had been completed, 17 trials were judged to meet the inclusion criteria for this specific review (six of the 17 trials are awaiting classification for the review). The remaining 11 trials contained a total of 2,678 participants. Nine of the eleven studies used samples with a majority of men. The interventions (buprenorphine, methadone and naltrexone) were compared to non pharmacological treatments (e.g., counselling) and other pharmacological drugs. The methodological trial quality was poorly described, and most studies were rated as 'unclear' by the reviewers. The biggest threats to risk of bias were generated through blinding (performance and detection bias) and incomplete outcome data (attrition bias). When combined, the results suggest that pharmacological interventions do significantly reduce subsequent drug use using biological measures, (three studies, 300 participants, RR 0.71 (95% CI 0.52 to 0.97)), self report dichotomous data (three studies, 317 participants, RR 0.42, (95% CI 0.22 to 0.81)) and continuous measures (one study, MD -59.66 (95% CI -120.60 to 1.28)) . In the subgroups analysis for community setting, (two studies, 99 participants: RR 0.62 (95% CI 0.35 to 1.09)) and for secure establishment setting, (one study, 201 participants: RR 0.76 (95% CI 0.52 to 1.10)), the results are no longer statistically significant. Criminal activity was significantly reduced favouring the dichotomous measures of re arrest, (one study, 62 participants, RR 0.60 (95% CI 0.32 to 1.14)), re-incarceration, (three studies, 142 participants, RR 0.33 (95% CI 0.19 to 0.56)) and continuous measures (one study, 51 participants, MD -74.21 (95% CI -133.53 to -14.89)). Findings on the effects of individual pharmacological interventions on drug use and criminal activity show mixed results. Buprenorphine in comparison to a non pharmacological treatment seemed to favour buprenorphine but not significantly with self report drug use, (one study, 36 participants, RR 0.58 (95% CI 0.25 to 1.35)). Methadone and cognitive behavioural skills in comparison to standard psychiatric services, did show a significant reduction for self report dichotomous drug use (one study, 253 participants, RR 0.43 (95% CI 0.33 to 0.56)) but not for self report continuous data (one study 51 participants) MD -0.52 (95% CI -1.09 to 0.05)), or re incarceration RR 1.23 (95% CI 0.53 to 2.87)). Naltrexone was favoured significantly over routine parole and probation for re incarceration (two studies 114 participants, RR 0.36 (95% CI 0.19 to 0.69)) but no data was available on drug use. Finally, we compared each pharmacological treatment to another. In each case we compared methadone to: buprenorphine, diamorphine and naltrexone. No significant differences were displayed for either treatment for self report dichotomous drug use (one study, 193 participants RR 1.23 (95% CI 0.86 to 1.76)), continuous measures of drug use MD 0.70 (95% CI -5.33 to 6.73) or criminal activity RR 1.25 (95% CI 0.83 to 1.88)) between methadone and buprenorphine. Similiar results were found for comparisons with Diamorphine with no significant differences between the drugs for self report dichotomous drug use for arrest (one study, 825 participants RR 1.25 (95% CI 1.03-1.51)) or Naltrexone for dichotomous measures of re incarceration (one study, 44 participants, RR 1.10 (95% CI 0.37 to 3.26)), and continuous outcome measure of crime MD -0.50 (95% CI -8.04 to 7.04)) or self report drug use MD 4.60 (95% CI -3.54 to 12.74)).

Authors' conclusions

Pharmacological interventions for drug-using offenders do appear to reduce overall subsequent drug use and criminal activity (but to a lesser extent). No statistically significant differences were displayed by treatment setting. Individual differences are displayed between the three pharmacological interventions (buprenorphine, methadone and naltrexone) when compared to a non pharmacological intervention, but not when compared to each other. Caution should be taken when interpreting these findings, as the conclusions are based on a small number of trials, and generalisation of these study findings should be limited mainly to male adult offenders. Additionally, many studies were rated at high risk of bias because trial information was inadequately described.